Desert Routes

Maps often represent the movement from Sub-Saharan Africa to Europe as a single, linear path. In practice, the corridor across the Sahel and the Sahara toward Morocco and the Western Mediterranean consists of a shifting network of land routes, desert passages, and informal hubs shaped by economic pressures, environmental change, and mobility constraints. Migration commonly originates in countries such as Senegal, Guinea, Nigeria, and Mali, where insecurity, weak institutional capacity, and environmental stress limit economic opportunities. In this region, economic necessity is the primary driver of migration, with between 62% and 73% of migrants citing work or business as their main reason for leaving. Environmental factors further influence departure, as 46% of young migrants report drought or land degradation as significant pressures. Migration decisions in this context are therefore largely pragmatic responses to constrained livelihoods.

From these areas of origin, migrants tend to converge in Sahelian transit hubs such as Bamako, Gao, and Arlit. Algeria functions as a major land bridge toward Morocco, particularly through crossing points such as Assamaka and In Guezzam, commonly referred to as “Point Zero,” where expulsions and abandonment are frequently reported. Between January and June 2024, more than 12,000 migrants were expelled from Algeria to Niger, illustrating repeated cycles of onward movement and forced return. Mortality along desert routes remains high: for every recorded death at sea, an estimated two deaths occur during desert crossings, primarily due to dehydration, starvation, or traffic-related accidents. The population moving along this route is predominantly male (73%), though women (18%) and unaccompanied minors (9%) are also present.

Children face heightened vulnerability along this corridor. Boys from Nigeria and other West African countries often migrate with the expectation of accessing professional football academies, a pathway that is frequently exploited by fraudulent intermediaries. Girls, particularly from Benin and Togo, may be recruited for domestic work in Niger, where risks of forced labour and trafficking are documented. Social media plays a role in shaping migration aspirations by circulating selective narratives of success in Europe. As noted by frontline workers in Morocco, children are often influenced by stories of athletic achievement abroad, despite limited access to accurate information about risks and outcomes.

Movement across the Sahel relies largely on existing transport infrastructure. Approximately 63% of migrants travel by bus, 34% by car or taxi, and a small proportion on foot. Upon reaching Morocco, migrants frequently experience prolonged periods of waiting, often living in informal settlements under conditions of limited protection. Women face disproportionate risks, including exploitation in so-called “connection houses”. Morocco functions as a key transit space within this corridor, where onward movement is uncertain and access to protection remains uneven. Despite enforcement measures, migration continues: in 2024, arrivals in Spain via the Western Mediterranean Route reached 18,835.

Overall, this corridor illustrates how structural economic conditions, environmental stress, and restrictive mobility regimes shape migration trajectories. Increased enforcement has contributed to longer and more hazardous routes, while children and young people remain among the most exposed to risk. What appears as a direct route on maps is, in practice, a fragmented and prolonged process shaped by repeated interruption and uncertainty.